We have 45 minutes together in this Seminar. I will give you a 15-20 minute overview of the findings of some research I have been undertaking into the Impact of Pilgrimages to the Holy Land upon the Indigenous Church. Then we will have 20-25 minutes for discussion, and five minutes for summary. We would like this seminar first of all to clarify what we feel are the key theological and ethical issues surrounding the promotion of Christian tours to the Holy Land, and then secondly what action we feel is necessary to address them.

My research was instigated following several years of organising pilgrimages to the Holy Land and a growing sense of unease over the lack of any real contact between pilgrims and the local indigenous Christians. I specifically sought to investigate the degree to which Western Christian involvement, principally through pilgrimages, has exacerbated the already difficult conditions under which the Christian community in Israel and the Occupied Territories witnesses as a double minority within an Arab culture and Israeli State. The pilgrimage and tourist industry, which brings just under two million people from around the world to the Holy Land every year, is both a microcosm and perpetuator of these tensions and divisions. That so many Western Christians visit the Holy Land and yet have little or no contact with the indigenous Christian community, is a serious pastoral issue with important theological implications not only for the unity and vitality of the church, but also for its very survival in Israel and the Occupied Territories.

The ethical issues involved in promoting pilgrimages to the Holy Land and their impact on the Palestinian Christian community are considerable. Contemporary pilgrimage research suggests that in this century there has been a gradual decline in the level of contact between pilgrim parties and Palestinian Christians. This has in part been due to tighter control of the pilgrimage industry by the Israeli Ministry of Tourism, especially since 1967, when the main sites of biblical significance were appropriated by Israel from Jordan, along with the registration of Palestinian guides, hotels and travel agencies . The effect of these events has been devastating for the shrinking indigenous Christian community. Israel and the Occupied Territories are usually perceived as one country by most pilgrims, unaware that to travel between the major pilgrimage sites in Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Jericho or Nazareth involves passing through disputed territory.

This is a view which the Israeli government is anxious to perpetuate.

The myth that there is one unified and democratic Israel, from the Mediterranean to the Jordan, and from Eilat to Mt Hermon is cultivated on everything from maps to souvenirs, from flags to road signs, while the UN Green Line demarcating the 1967 borders of Israel and Jordan, and the existence of a West Bank is all but ignored. Bishop Cragg argues that,

Sharp moral issues are easily submerged by outsiders in archaeology or tourism, while the local Christianity is relegated to sentiment and the museum.

The survival of indigenous Christian communities in the Holy Land has always depended to a great extent on personal contact and revenue from visiting pilgrims, especially when living under Moslem, Turkish and Jewish rule.

Economically, the presence of literally millions of pilgrims encouraged the development of the service sector, providing food and accommodation, particularly in Jerusalem.

A survey of pilgrims was conducted to discover their views about the Holy Land, its peoples, history and future, and their views about their pilgrimage. The following views were typical.

One of the most significant aspects of this survey was the evidence it revealed of destructive stereotyped images, and the prevalence of prejudice toward the Arabs, Jews and Palestinians. Pilgrims were asked to indicate what they associated with Arab, Jew and Palestinian.

The majority of neutral terms used to describe Arabs had ethnic, religious or geographical connotations. Those of a positive nature referred to personal qualities and Arab culture, such as hospitality and friendship. The most significant stereotype of Arabs was that of nomadic Bedouins. Of the three ethnic groups, the Arabs had the most neutral and least negative image. The following description of Arabs was typical of this survey group. "I largely think of Bedouins, of itinerant, nomadic Arabs, in traditional costume, in deserts, with animals and tents..."

The majority of neutral terms describing Jews had either biblical, religious or ethnic connotations. Those of a positive nature had to do more with aptitude than character. Words such as "ability", "talent", "skills", "intellect", "brilliant" were used. Those of a negative nature related primarily to politics and history, particularly with the Holocaust and anti-Semitism.

Compared with the connotations associated with Arabs and Jews, those words used to describe Palestinians were the least positive, the least neutral and portrayed the most negative image of the three. Those terms of a positive nature like those used to describe Arabs generally, referred largely to personal qualities such as "hospitality", "resilience", and "kindness". Those of a negative nature, like those describing Jews, were not necessarily pejorative and referred as much to their condition or circumstances as to a Palestinian reaction to it. Words such as "terrorism", "PLO", and "refugee" were common.

On this issue there were both the widest range of views - 20 different but related issues were raised - and some of the strongest language expressed in the entire survey. The most frequent answers had to do with the need to recognise the way pilgrimages either perpetuate or challenge the political situation [17]; the need for solidarity with Palestinians [16]; and the importance of recognising that tourism in a variety of ways favours the Israelis [15].

Show the rest of my findings on acetates.

Pilgrims were then asked in what ways their views about the Arab-Israeli conflict had been affected as a result of visiting the Holy Land. There were some significant answers given. All those interviewed said that their views had changed as a result of the pilgrimage. How far these opinions had merely been reinforced is hard to estimate. Witnessing the presence of heavily armed soldiers in such incongruous places as the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem or at the Wailing Wall, clearly disturbed many of these pilgrims. The majority had become much more critical of what they saw as Israeli aggression, and more sympathetic toward Palestinians as a consequence. Many of the pilgrims confessed to having been naive and ignorant about the Palestinian issue before visiting Israel. Several pointed out how significant meeting Palestinian Christians had been in the crystallising of their views. The following are representative.

The survey group were also asked to recall which experiences remained with them from their pilgrimage. It is significant to compare the answers given with their original motives for undertaking a pilgrimage. The majority had gone primarily to visit the biblical sites associated with the life of Jesus, and to strengthen their personal faith. However, on their return it was the political situation which they remembered most vividly. Once back only a third spoke of the significance of having visited the religious sites. The most frequent and graphic images mentioned were of Israeli soldiers and Palestinian suffering.

The purpose of the survey was to observe the attitudes of British Tour Operators and to determine the extent to which they perpetuate, exacerbate or ameliorate the conditions of Palestinian Christians.

Of 35 British Tour Operators listed by the Israel Ministry of Tourism, 25 responded to a request for a brochure and sample of their itineraries. These were then analysed noting the places visited and the assumptions that were implicit in the language used to describe the inhabitants and sites. Of particular interest were the kinds of extra-biblical sites or "added value options" included in itineraries, and also the extent to which contact or worship with indigenous Christians was encouraged or facilitated. A group of 14 employees working for 12 different Tour Operators, both British and Palestinians, were then interviewed. Their views were used to amplify and interpret the findings from the broader survey of Operator brochures and itineraries. The decision on whether to refer to the land as "Israel" or not has been seen by some Operators as an issue of significant political and theological importance. It was for example, the policy of one Operator, not to use the name Israel in their brochure or publicity material. A former employee, expressed the dilemma succinctly,

A very wide diversity of pilgrimage itineraries were offered by the 25 British Operators reflecting their denominational, political and theological agendas. Among the more bizarre options included a visit to the Bahai Temple in Haifa, an opportunity to celebrate Yom Kippur, a tour of Jerusalem from the air, a torchlight procession at night to the Garden of Gethsemane, and a ride across the Sea of Galilee on a replica first century fishing boat. Just under 200 separate locations and activities were offered. Of particular interest to this study were those which might be termed "extra-biblical", giving pilgrims an insight into Jewish and Arab history and culture. A total of 22 Operators offered 33 different locations of Jewish culture or tradition, 86 times. This means that were a pilgrim to visit the Holy Land with each Operator, he would visit 33 locations a total of 86 times, some only once, while others several times. In contrast only three Operators mentioned locations associated with Palestinian or Arab culture and tradition. These offered only three different locations a total of five times (figure 6).

The most frequently included extra-biblical locations were all Jewish sites. The most popular were Masada (24); the Wailing Wall (23); a visit to a Kibbutz (14); Yad Vashem (13); the Model of Jerusalem (11) and the Knesset (10). This would appear to confirm the claim made by the Pilgrimage Office at St George's that it is Israeli Ministry of Tourism strategy to ensure all tourists visit the three specific sites of Yad Vashem, the Wailing Wall and Masada to evoke sympathy for Israel and stifle criticism of her occupation of the West Bank [Palestinian, 1994:3.26].

This is to some extent dependent on where pilgrims stay. All but one Operator booked hotels or hospices in Jerusalem, although it is not possible to ascertain how many of these are in East (Palestinian) or West (Israeli) Jerusalem. Only two British Operators made use of hotels in Nazareth and Bethlehem which are exclusively Palestinian communities. The most popular, after Jerusalem, are Tiberias (21); Tel Aviv (10); Netanya (7); and Eilat (4), all Israeli locations. A proportion of Operators specified places of Christian worship in their recommended itineraries.

Of these the most frequently mentioned were the Garden Tomb (7), and St George's Cathedral (4), both of which cater primarily for expatriate European Christians. Of 21 references to an act of worship, only two were explicitly with Palestinian Christians, at Christ Church, Nazareth.

Those that gave the opportunity for contact with Christians in Israel and the West Bank were small and similarly biased in favour of expatriates and Messianic Christians (figure 7). The most popular were the CMJ hostel at Stella Carmel (3) and the Edinburgh Medical Mission Hospital in Nazareth (2). Only six out of 25 Operators offered such an initiative however, suggesting that the overwhelming majority of pilgrims visiting the Holy Land in organised tours are given no encouragement to meet local Christians during their stay.

It was admitted by several British Operators that the temptation was to,

Some British Operators were very reluctant to recognise that their work had any ethical implications at all, other than that of "giving value for money". Several stressed that they did not want to appear "biased either way" on the Arab-Israeli issue. In contrast, all the Palestinian Operators interviewed without exception gave explicit examples of profound and fundamental ethical issues they face on a daily basis which most of their British counterparts seem oblivious to.

The brochure of one British Operator gave evidence of their ethical approach. They were, they claimed,

Although the approach of the majority of British Operators seems to be governed more by economic considerations than ethical constraints, following the occupation of the West Bank in 1967, the two main British Operators did take very different stances.

That same Operator highlighted what is becoming probably the most serious ethical dilemma facing all Christian Operators.

The Palestinian Operators interviewed indicated that they received very few requests from groups wishing to meet local Christians. Except for the local contact with the guide and the driver, and possibly some hotel staff, that's about all they're going to be in contact with. [Operator, 1993:2.6]

Of the three British Operators who included contact with the Arab Palestinian church within their recommended itineraries, only one brochure in 25 went as far as to make an explicit statement encouraging "pilgrim groups to meet with Christians living in the Holy Land." [Operator, 1993:2.3] This particular Operator has also taken the unprecedented step of suggesting that all their tour group leaders include a visit to a hospital, school or clinic within their itinerary, with the purpose of developing a long term relationship between Christians in Britain, Israel and the Occupied Territories. They have also recently written to former pilgrimage tour leaders asking for suggested projects and will be including these in their latest brochure.

British pilgrimage Tour Operators appear to fall into one of four categories. There are a number of secular tourist agencies who offer pilgrimage packages in the same way that they target other niche markets, such as skiing or scuba diving holidays. Some of these are Israeli owned companies operating in Britain [Operators G & U]. These Operators have no particular reason to encourage contact with the indigenous Church and offer standard itineraries which follow a fairly predictable pattern. The largest group of Christian pilgrimage Operators fall into the second category offering what might be termed "biblical-educational tours". These essentially offer a pietistic religious experience at particular sites associated with the life of Jesus. As one Palestinian Operator put it, they are "here for the Bible experience" [Operator, 1993:2.6]. The emphasis of this kind of pilgrimage is on a predictable string of archaeological sites, church buildings and optional pseudo-religious "entertainment" extras such as a visit to Masada, a swim in the Dead Sea or an evening of Israeli culture and music [Operators T & Y]. One Operator described the kind of experience they try to facilitate, I really believe that Jesus' spirit is alive there. I really believe that He's there, you can feel it, you can almost grab it by the hand. [Operator, 1993:2.1]

This group of Operators, while wishing to avoid controversy or become involved politically, are nevertheless responsible for perpetuating a situation where the local Church is ignored and marginalised.

A third category might be termed "Zionist" Operators. These tend to view their work as a mission, and see the pilgrims by their presence, as serving a higher calling. These agencies actively encourage contact with Messianic believers and seek to give pilgrims an appreciation of the Jewish origins of Christianity [Operators P & T].

A fourth, and much smaller group of Operators actively encourage contact with the indigenous Palestinian Church [Operators E & K]. Although reluctant to be known as a "Living Stones" Pilgrimage Operator, one in particular claimed that 90% of their groups visited a local church, either in Jerusalem or Nazareth [Operator, 1993:2.3].

Speaking of pilgrims generally, several Palestinian Operators recognised that,

The majority..they come and they go, with whatever preconceived notions they have. Very few modify, very few see and go on. It's a pity. [Operator, 1993:2.6]

As the analysis of pilgrimage itineraries has shown, to a large extent this is a consequence of the kind of pilgrimage offered by Tour Operators; their failure to recognise the ethical issues inherent in their work; or to appreciate how they are manipulated by the Israeli political agenda and economic interests. The results also show how the Palestinian economy suffers as a consequence and ultimately what the effect has been of their actions on the indigenous Christian community.

A total of 34 Palestinians were interviewed, including Bishops, clergy, Tour Operators and MECC staff, lawyers, students, a journalist, accountant and a money changer. Largely cut off from personal or meaningful contact with Western tourists and pilgrims, the local Palestinian Christian community feels isolated, indeed invisible. "People who come here wear dark glasses. When the sun comes out they see nothing." Bishop Kenneth Cragg concludes that,

The unanimous opinion of Palestinians interviewed was that the first benefit of greater contact would be that more people would hear their story, see the reality of what is happening, and realise the justice of their cause. The need to be "heard" was very important to them, and for pilgrims to "unlearn" the negative and destructive images often portrayed of Palestinians in the Western media. Audeh Rantisi described his experience of the small number of groups that occasionally come and visit his home for orphans in Ramallah.

Elias Chacour, who founded the school in Ibillin responded to one tour group by saying,

Personal contact with increasing numbers of Christian pilgrims is something Canon Naim Ateek sees as "wonderful in itself", since as hosts, they long to welcome believers from all over the world.

The benefit of greater contact is not all one way. Archdeacon Riah of Nazareth described the mutual enrichment both receive, as pilgrimage becomes a living experience, not so much a journey "to" a place but a travelling "with" fellow believers,

For pilgrimage groups and organisers, to continue to ignore the presence of a local Christian community, is a perversion of what pilgrimage could and should be about. The lack of contact between Christians perpetuates ignorance and complacency for pilgrims and injustice and despair for Palestinians. It is ultimately to treat the Holy Land as nothing more than an entertaining religious theme park, and will only hasten the day when Palestinian Christians become extinct in the Holy Land, their heritage forgotten and their churches closed or turned into museums.

The findings of this research have shown that for Christians to attempt a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, yet fail, for what ever reason, to meet with the local Christians in such a troubled situation, where they are ignored, abused and maligned, is not only deeply offensive to them, it is surely a contradiction of what a pilgrimage should be, and ultimately immoral before God. It is nothing less than to perpetuate the evil of the Levite in the Parable of the Good Samaritan who walked by on the other side. He should have known better.

Stephen Sizer

24 April 1998

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